Thursday nights were made entertaining by the popular show ‘How to Get Away with Murder.’ As the sixth and final season of the show concludes, fans are going to miss their favourite show. The final season of the show has a lot of things to reveal and we simply cannot wait for it. All of you guys want to when the sixth season of the show is going to be available on Netflix. In that case, you have come to the right place. We have laid down all the information we have about the show in the text below.
How to Get Away with Murder has been a huge hit for ABC. This record-breaking series stars Viola Davis as the lead actress. She is the first black actress who has won the Primetime Emmy Award for her outstanding performance in the drama series where she played the role of Professor.
When will How to Get Away with Murder season 6 be on Netflix?
In comparison to other series like Grey’s Anatomy, How to Get Away with Murder has very less number of episodes per season. Just like every other season even season 6 is going to arrive with just 15 episodes. This means we should get to see season 6 of the show on Netflix US during the Springtime next year.
According to the Wikipedia page of the show, the final date of release is February 27th, 2019. However, there is no official confirmation to back this information. On two occasions, the season finale was aired in the middle of March. If this season is to follow the same routine then it’s likely to be aired on 12th March 2019. Both these dates will affect the release dates for Netflix.
If the show is aired in February, then we can expect to watch the show on Netflix by the end of March 2020. But if it’s pushed to March then we will get to see the finale by April 2020.
Is the sixth season the final season of How to Get Away with Murder?
It’s been officially confirmed that the sixth season is the last season of the show. This means that there will be no more episodes of How to Get Away with Murder after this.
The show received a huge response from the audience. It was so popular that it became the entertainment for Thursday night for many. It’s sad to know that the show has reached its end. But like every other good thing even this one has to come to an end.
Is How to Get Away with Murder leaving Netflix?
Right now, we don’t have any information about the future of How to Get Away with Murder. However, according to our sources, we know that the show will stay on Netflix for the foreseeable future. It is going to be available until the mid-2020s.
Netflix and ABC are tied by a long term contract for both How to Get Away with Murder and Grey’s Anatomy.
Spies in the Ointment: Which Way Will FBI, CIA Swing if Trump Returns?
To the growing anxiety about the possibility of a triumphal Donald Trump return to office, we can add yet another worry line: How would the recalcitrant former president mobilize the intelligence agencies to punish enemies and reward friends?
With pro-Trump Republicans increasingly embracing “” to retake control of Washington, from extreme gerrymandering to new voter suppression laws — and poised to capture Congress in the mid-terms — apprehension is growing among veterans of U.S. intelligence and law enforcement agencies that bad times may be ahead for them.
The former president won’t be shy this time around about installing sycophants atop key national security organs, starting with the Defense, Justice and Homeland Security departments, along with the CIA, NSA and most critically, the FBI, intelligence veterans queried by SpyTalk agree. The lesson he’s likely learned from his first term is not to vacillate over putting overt authoritarian loyalists into senior billets there — and to ignore the howls from more timorous aides or careerists. With an expected Republican control of the House and Senate starting in 2023, according to current forecasts, the confirmation of Trump nominees would be a cinch, if messy.
So imagine this Rocky Horror Show of characters atop the federal government’s national security machinery:
or , both of whom played major roles in the “Stop the Steal” plot to block Joe Biden’s election, as attorney general
, the disgraced for NYPD commissioner and Rudy Giuliani pal who served as quartermaster for the GoP “war room” to overturn the 2020 election result, as FBI director
, the far-right Devin Nunes acolyte who worked tirelessly to bury investigations into Trump’s ties to Russia, and who Trump tried to make the CIA’s deputy director, as director of National Intelligence.
, the pliant Michael Flynn protégé who held the intel portfolio on the White House NSC and later Pentagon, as CIA director.
Authoritarian-loving former Trump ambassador and acting DNIback as secretary of defense or White House national security adviser.
(Q-Ga.), as director of Homeland Security
as director of the eavesdropping National Security Agency.
Scoff, many will. It’s a long way off. Such appointments are unimaginable. But ignoring Trump’sto overturn Joe Biden’s election victory, including inspiring a mob to attack the Capitol and maybe even murder his own vice president, Mike Pence, is willful amnesia, say critics, including intelligence veterans polled by SpyTalk: The Jan. 6 riot may well turn out to be practice for a real Trump-led insurrection. “The image of the raptors in Jurassic Park testing the fences for weaknesses comes to mind,” American University Assistant Professor Mary Ellen Curtin . “‘They remember,’ the caretaker says.”
Almost anyone who’s closely studied Trump’s post-election behavior and the alarming coarsening of the “stop the steal” movement, with its wave of, are confident he’ll stop at nothing to return to power and enact revenge against his opponents. And if he does, there’s good reason to fear that he and his minions, having labelled Democrats and dissident Republicans as “traitors,” will turn the screws of U.S. national security agencies against them.
Justice for All
The key appointment in a second Trump administration would be attorney general, intelligence veterans agree. It’s the Justice Department that can loosen guidelines for U.S. investigative and intelligence agencies, as it did when it approved the CIA’sof terrorist subjects, NSA’s mass of U.S. emails and the FBI’s after the 9/11 attacks.
Panic is clearly premature — the next presidential election is three years away. But worry is warranted, says a former senior Justice Department official in the George W. Bush administration who asked for anonymity in exchange for commenting freely.
“This is impossible to game out, but if there were really an attempt to use the DOJ for something deeply nefarious, I think the norms and institutions would hold — as they did, ultimately, throughout the Trump term,” he told SpyTalk. “But I don’t think we should be complacent about this.”
Likewise, former CIA senior operations official Douglas London calls a possible Trump return to office “a nightmare scenario” for the intelligence community, “since its credibility and focus were significantly undermined during his tenure and are only now beginning to recover.”
CIA lawyers can advise the president and his attorney general that a proposed policy or operation is unwise or legally dubious, he told SpyTalk, but in the end it’s political appointees in the top rungs of the Justice Department who decide what’s legal.
Take the CIA’s “enhanced interrogation program,” London says. “Unfortunately, lawyers at the Department of Justice sanctioned that. They gave it a thumbs up. So the agency officers who were involved in that … had the legal authority for what they were doing.”
“So the greater risk,” he adds, “is the degree to which a politicized Department of Justice might enable CIA and other agencies to effect legally and ethically questionable policies, since CIA’s lawyers take their lead from DOJ’s.” And in the end, he says, CIA operations officers have to “suck it up or resign.”
Guardrails and Exit Ramps
FBI veterans surveyed by SpyTalk think the “guardrails” of bureaucratic norms and oaths officials take to obey the law and defend the Constitution will hold. But most also weren’t absolutely confident of that — an astounding admission in itself — pointing to such disquieting harbingers as the participation of former and active-duty police and military personnel in the Jan. 6 insurrection.
Unsurprisingly, Trump had a substantial following among white police and federal law enforcement personnel, especially in comparison to Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton. The FBI’s New York office was a hotbed of anti-Clinton rancor, according to.
“I think the rank-and-file, and maybe even senior management, still support him and would welcome his return,” says Terry Albury, a Black former FBI agent who became so alarmed about the bureau’s aggressivefor turning American Muslims into informants — enabled by Bush administration Attorney General Michael Mukasey — that he about it to the media (and eventually served four years in prison for it).
“Trump spoke to their longing and desire for radical change,” Albury said in an interview. As Obama’s term ran out in 2016, he said, “there was an Obama countdown” among white agents in the Minneapolis field office where he worked. “They hated what he represented. When Trump came in, the gloves were off.”
“It’s a strongly conservative organization,” Albury added. Would they welcome a second Trump administration? “Absolutely,” he says. “I definitely think they would.”
Some would, agrees Peter Lapp, a former high level FBI executive with a deep background in counterintelligence. But the “vast majority” would continue to check their politics at the door.
“Some [Trump] supporters might say, yeah, we need a Bernie [Kerik] character” running the FBI, “we need a Mark Meadows type that will clean up the bureau,” says Lapp. “There are probably some folks within the organization that feel that … The bureau is made up of human beings that have their own views, and in many ways they’re suppressed because of the rules and because of the culture and because of the need to be apolitical as an organization.”
If Trump tried to weaponize the FBI against his real or perceived enemies, Lapp says, “I think the vast majority would think that that would be problematic.
“Regardless of their political backgrounds or views, most agents enjoy the fact that the FBI is an independent law enforcement organization and they strive to be that way in how [they] conduct investigations … So I think that most of the workforce would not be happy if there was an obvious kind of ringer put in there.”
At the same time, senior managers who object to a Trumpification of the bureau would likely stay quiet, for the most fundamental reason, Lapp and other former FBI officials say: the agency’s lucrative retirement package.
“The guard rails of the pension would keep…anti-Trump people in line,” Lapp told SpyTalk. But he maintains that “the vast majority of folks” check their politics at the office door anyway.
Other FBI veterans grant that Trump had a following among the rank and file — and may still have some — but that his “stop the steal” antics have cooled the ardor of many.
“I think you’re seeing a lot of Republicans and former Republicans like me who are really fed up with what he did,” says David C. Gomez, a retired FBI executive with broad experience across the federal government and private industry. “They accepted it to a certain point and — had he just let it go and gone off and lived his life and made money and played golf or whatever — they would have been more accepting of his historical perspective. But the guy wanting to come back is a bridge too far for me.”
Trump’s return “would be a disaster” for the FBI, Gomez, now a security consultant for the London-based group, BSI, told SpyTalk. On the one hand, he sees “a lot of people leaving,” especially those with career records that could land them lucrative jobs on the outside. On the other hand, “people who have more than 10 years in may stick around” for the bureau’s generous pension, the golden fleece for middle management. How they would respond to a Trump appointee’s effort to target Trump’s real or perceived political enemies is “the $64 million question,” Gomez says, “because it’s the rank and file who are the ones that are going to be in the cross hairs of that.”
Some former FBI and CIA officials have long worried about the “militarization” of their agencies over two decades of war and counterterrorism operations, with a concomitant rise of Trump sympathizers in the ranks. At the FBI, Lapp says, many senior managers in recent years earned “badges of distinction” from their service in Iraq or other war zones or came up from the swashbuckling hostage rescue teams.
The FBI has “a history of recruiting folks to come from the military and I think that prevalence has increased over the years,” Lapp said in a SpyTalk interview. “And with that comes the military-type mindset of how to tackle problems,” versus the mentality of “investigators with the skills and passion for the law and the Constitution.” Same for the recent senior managers who came up through hostage-rescue or SWAT teams, he says. Still , he maintains, they’ve all sworn an oath to follow the law.
At the CIA, an influx of counterterror veterans increasingly altered the workforce vibe, moving it away from its collegial, if sometimes raucous, culture of give-and-take to a more military-style “yes, sir — no, sir” regimen, says Douglas London, a 34-year CIA veteran who was Counterterrorism Chief for South and Southwest Asia before his retirement in 2019.
“Post-9/11, the leadership of the agency was filled with folks … who embraced a very conservative religious, political-social view of the world, who had come from positions in the military and were much more willing to embrace a harsher code of engagement with detainees, or even agents,” London said duringabout his new book,
“I think it would be pretty bad if Trump or a Trump-light person came back and executed those same policies and worse in an emboldened White House,” London said in an interview last week. “But you know, if it’s legal, then agency officers will either leave in protest or suck it up and go, ‘Okay, well, that’s a lawful order’ — just like the military.”
“Personally, I’m a bit more worried about the military than the CIA,” London added. “There were more military people at the January 6 insurrection than from across the IC, a frightening number who remain sympathetic to those who stormed the Capital. I never imagined I’d see the day when the chairman of the Joint Chiefs was required to remind service members to ‘obey the lawful orders of civilian control of the military’ and to ‘not become involved with domestic politics.'”
Gen. Mark Milley, the JCS chairman, was so worried about Trump’s mental stability in the weeks before the presidential election that he called his Chinese counterpart to assure him no plans were in the works for a U.S. attack, but if there were, he’d warn him in advance, according to Washington Post reporters Bob Woodward and Robert Costa in their book,. Milley confirmed he’d made the call, but said it wasn’t his intention to undermine Trump.
It’s become increasingly difficult, meanwhile, to differentiate Trump’s “stop the steal” movement and the Qanon conspiracy cult, which extremism expert Jason Blazakis, pointing to the involvement of onetime DIA chief and Trump national security adviser Gen. Michael Flynn and the CIA’s former Bin Laden unit chief,, calls, “ .” Both have countless thousands of followers in the conspiracy world, at least some — perhaps many — working in intelligence and law enforcement.
It’s the political vagaries of the rank and file that concern David Gomez. A history buff, the former FBI agent points to the role of ordinary police in the rise of Hitler and the Nazis.
“It was acquiescence by basic-level police officers that allowed a lot of things to happen that probably wouldn’t have happened [without them], you know? So I just don’t know what the answer is to that” — a Trump weaponization of the FBI. “I can’t gauge anymore how the current rank and file would react to that.
“Sometimes,” he says, “your hands are tied, because you’ve got a family to take care of, and a pension that you don’t want to lose.”
As always, the answer may come in a shopworn dictum: Follow the money.
This article by Jeff Stein first appeared on.
The opinions expressed in this op-ed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Military.com. If you would like to submit your own commentary, please send your article to [email protected] for consideration.
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Himachal Pradesh adds 90 new Covid-19 cases | Shimla News
As per the latest figures, the hill state’s Covid tally has now risen to 2,27,093 of which 824 cases are active, 222422 patients have recovered while 3830 patients have died.
Fresh cases reported during the day included one from Bilaspur, three from Chamba, 14 from Hamirpur, 25 from Kangra, 20 each from Mandi and , two from Solan and five from Una district.
Plot thickens in saga of Cambodian prince’s failed soccer club bid — Radio Free Asia
The remarkable tale of Cambodian Prince Norodom Ravichak’s abortive takeover of French soccer club Saint Etienne took even more bizarre twists when the prince granted an interview to sports daily L’Equipe.
Published in a two-page spread on Nov. 17, the Q&A was illustrated with a photo of the besuited prince taken the day before at a leisure club for serving and retired military officers in the French capital’s tony eighth arrondissement.
The current owners of Saint Etienne had announced their intention to file a criminal complaint against Ravichak the previous week for “acts of forgery, use of forgery and attempted fraud” in relation to his proposal to purchase the club. Specifically, they alleged that the 100 million euro ($113 million) bank guarantee he had submitted in support of his bid was a fake.
Ravichak, who is a nephew of Cambodia’s King Norodom Sihamoni, clearly intended to put the allegations to rest during the interview. In doing so, he introduced to the public a motley crew of colorful associates. And in attempting to explain away the irregularities that had so alarmed Saint Etienne’s owners, the self-styled businessman and philanthropist invited more questions than he answered.
Dated Sept. 13 of this year and bearing the letterhead of German finance giant Deutsche Bank, the first sign that something might be amiss with the now-infamous bank guarantee is the signature of Marcus Schenck, who was deputy CEO of the bank until he left it in 2018.
Typed entirely in upper case, the letter – which has not been made public – claims that the bank is “ready, willing and able to issue a standby letter of credit” in the amount of 100 million euros “specially to guarantee the buy and sale agreement” for an unnamed “sports project.”
It continues that the beneficiary of this letter of credit would be Prolan Trading Pte Ltd, a Singaporean company of which Ravichak is the representative and authorized signatory, according to the letter. Official records with the Singaporean business registry tell a different story.
Prolan Trading was established on May 25 this year, just over a month after Saint Etienne’s owners officially announced their intention to sell. Its sole shareholder and director is Singaporean businessman Mohammed Maideen, who told RFA on Nov. 9 that he was unaware of his company’s name being used in the bid for Saint Etienne. The following day he filed a request that Prolan Trading be struck off the business registry, records show.
Deutsche Bank’s press office did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
A tale of two Prolans
Speaking to L’Equipe on Nov. 16, Ravichak disavowed any responsibility for the seemingly fake bank guarantee. That had been procured on his behalf by French real estate entrepreneur Philippe Soulie and his conveniently named Swiss company Prolan Group SA, the prince said.
“If anyone was at fault, it was whoever issued this document, Prolan or Deutsche Bank. I have nothing to reproach myself for,” Ravichak told L’Equipe.
Approached for comment, Soulie repeatedly avoided answering the question of whether he had indeed arranged the bank guarantee, although he insisted that there had been “nothing false from our side.”
Citing confidentiality agreements, Soulie refused to be drawn on his role in the failed transaction, the content of the bank guarantee or the role of the Singaporean company featured on it, Prolan Trading, whose name bears more than a passing resemblance to his own Prolan Group.
For his part, Maideen told RFA that if Prolan Trading’s name had ended up on a bank guarantee in September, it was without the permission of the company’s sole director and shareholder: him. He added that while he had recently become acquainted with Soulie’s Prolan Group, he had done “no business [with them] yet.”
Friends with deep pockets
One thing Soulie was keen to stress is that Ravichak is not short of contacts with deep pockets.
“The prince has enough contacts and investors,” Soulie wrote in a message. “If he didn’t buy [the club] that’s probably about the value of the club, no?”
He hinted that more than a few of those wealthy connections were party to the prince’s bid for Saint Etienne, which he said had involved “a lot of intermediaries.”
In his interview with L’Equipe, Ravichak was unequivocal that the 100 million euros was never his to begin with. “This is Chinese money,” he said.
The prince also revealed that prior to the appearance of the Deutsche Bank guarantee, he had made an earlier 30 million euro bid for Saint Etienne, although he insisted that both offers were tendered “always with the same source of funds.”
“For my first offer, I sent a letter of guarantee signed by the CEO of Soteria Capital, a well-known Hong Kong investment fund whose parent company is Bank of Asia,” the prince told L’Equipe. “Nari [Prince Norodom Narithipong], my brother, and I are on the board.”
The Soteria Capital-backed bid was refused, according to Ravichak, because Saint Etienne’s accountants declared “that the source of the funds is not verifiable.”
A Soteria Capital pitch deck marked “Strictly Private & Confidential” and seen by RFA shows Ravichak and his brother Narithipong are responsible for managing the Soteria Cambodia Royal Fund. The fund, whose name seems to trade on the brothers’ links to the Cambodian monarchy, focuses on development projects in Cambodia as well as overseas investments, according to the presentation.
Metadata for the pitch deck shows that it was created this April, the same month that Saint Etienne’s owners announced their intention to sell. Hong Kong company records show Soteria Capital has only had an asset management license since January of this year, when it acquired a licensed business.
Bank of Asia, Soteria Capital’s parent company, is a digital bank in the British Virgin Islands, a notorious financial secrecy jurisdiction. The bank was founded in 2017 by Carson Wen, a former three-term deputy of the National People’s Congress, China’s national legislative body.
In an shortly after the bank opened for business Wen explained that his target market was the 50 percent of offshore companies registered in the British Virgin Islands who were believed to be unable to find a bank willing to take their custom.
Wen very publicly fell out with American banker Chad Holm, who was essentially a co-founder in Bank of Asia. A 2018 Eastern Caribbean Supreme Court in the dispute revealed that Holm had been introduced to Wen by the latter’s “sort of advisor” Azura Mangunhardjono. For years, Mangunhardjono posed as a wealthy Hong Kong socialite until a 2019 investigation by revealed her to be a serial fraudster, duping wealthy lovers and friends out of hundreds of thousands of dollars.
Soteria Capital and its representatives did not respond to requests for comment.
Soccer’s new normal
For soccer fans uninterested in the businesses behind the beautiful game, there may be plenty of surprising elements to Ravichak’s bid for Saint Etienne, which he contends is “in the interest of the club and its supporters.” After all, it is not every day that the nephew of a reigning monarch consents to act as a front for Chinese capital looking to take control of a top-tier European club. Much less that the bid would be mired by an allegedly forged bank guarantee from one of the world’s largest financial institutions. Or that the fake guarantee would bear the details of a company owned by a man claiming to be totally unaware that his business’s name was wrapped up in the 100 million euro transaction.
For soccer journalist James Montague, however, the situation is all too familiar. His 2017 book, The Billionaire’s Club: The Unstoppable Rise of Football’s Super-rich Owners, examined the genuine billionaires who own the world’s biggest teams and their influence on the game. Just as common, though, are chancers looking to leverage one of the world’s most popular sports for a quick buck, he told RFA.
“Once you scratch the surface of football ownership, it’s basically a wild west where nobody’s held to account, and it attracts the kind of people who as quickly as they take over a club they disappear,” Montague said. “I can’t think of another industry that attracts a larger number of weirdos.”
Often, he said, buyers will take control of a club with promises to invest in its rejuvenation but will instead saddle the club with as much debt as possible before vanishing.
“Anyone who has financial acumen can work out how to navigate this world and turn a profit from a club if they don’t care for the consequences,” he added. “Somebody else will always pick up the pieces because clubs aren’t businesses, they’re social institutions.”
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